First Impressions

January 9, 2012

Governor Brown released his Proposed 2012-13 Budget a full five days early after budget documents were inadvertently posted on a public website. The CBP will be delving into the budget in detail over the upcoming weeks and months, and will release our signature “chartbook” in early February. In the meantime, here are some first impressions:

  • The Governor’s proposal highlights the importance of significant additional revenues that help close the budget gap. As we’ve blogged before, the various tax measures pending “title and summary” have differing impacts on the state’s bottom line. Absent additional revenues that help fill the budget gap, even deeper cuts are likely to occur in 2012-13 and future years. While the Governor’s revenue forecast shows a modestly smaller deficit – $9.2 billion over the next 18 months – than prior forecasts and somewhat stronger revenue collections, California still faces a significant “structural” gap between revenues and expenditures due to the lingering impact of the economic downturn and the massive corporate tax breaks approved by lawmakers in recent years.
  • The proposed cuts to and redesign of the CalWORKs Program will put tens of thousands of children at serious risk of homelessness. When evaluating proposed CalWORKs policy changes, it is critical to remember that more than three-quarters of the Californians who receive cash assistance through the CalWORKs program are children. The Governor’s proposals come at a time when job prospects for single mothers – who make up most of the adults on CalWORKs – remain grim. The employment rate for California’s unmarried mothers dropped by 10.4 percentage points from a recent peak of 69.2 percent in 2007 to 58.8 percent in 2010. In fact, in just three years, the downturn erased all of the employment gains single mothers made following the enactment of welfare reform in the late 1990s. Fewer than six out of 10 unmarried mothers had jobs in 2010 – the smallest share since 1996. Women, nationally and here in California, are recovering from the recession more slowly than men, with the share of California’s working-age women with jobs declining 1.2 percentage points between November 2010 and November 2011.
  • Overall, $2.5 billion of the proposed $4.2 billion in spending cuts target Health and Human Services programs and child care. These programs – which accounted for approximately one-third of 2011-12 General Fund spending – are slated to receive nearly 60 percent of the proposed cuts. The proposed policy changes would deny an estimated 62,000 children access to safe, affordable childcare; would limit services received by over 250,000 low-income seniors and individuals with severe disabilities in the In-Home Supportive Services Program; and limit cash assistance and welfare-to-work services for families at a time when jobs are scarce.

Budgets, as we frequently note, are about values and choices. We would urge lawmakers seeking to balance the budget to look first to eliminate programs that don’t work – such as the state’s failed enterprise zone program  – before slashing those that do.

– Jean Ross


Statement: Jean Ross on the Governor’s Proposed 2012-13 Budget

January 5, 2012

Today, Governor Jerry Brown released his Proposed 2012-13 Budget. In response, Jean Ross, executive director of the California Budget Project, a nonpartisan public policy research group, released the following statement:

“The Governor’s Proposed Budget shows why it is essential for California voters to approve a tax plan that provides significant new revenues that help close the budget gap. Absent revenues that close this serious gap, we are looking at further cuts to the public structures, from schools to public safety, that millions of state residents rely on.

“The Proposed Budget includes major reductions in a number of critical areas, especially support for low- and middle-income Californians who need health coverage, child care, help in moving from welfare to work, or help financing a college education. Still, the Governor should be commended for a balanced approach that calls for new revenue, instead of taking a cuts-only approach to addressing the state’s fiscal challenges.”


Looking Ahead to November 2012

December 21, 2011

It’s that time of year. No, not the holidays. It’s filing season – the time of year when ballot measure proponents start down the long road toward the November election. To date, at least three “major” revenue measures have been filed with the Attorney General’s office, along with a number of measures that raise lesser amounts of money and/or are targeted to specific purposes outside of the state’s General Fund. This blog post briefly examines the three main proposals: what they tax and the extent to which they help narrow the state’s budget gap.

First, some background. Both the Legislative Analyst’s November forecast and the Department of Finance’s more recent estimate project a shortfall in the range of $12 billion to $13 billion for the remainder of the current and upcoming fiscal years. The Legislative Analyst’s estimate, which looks five years in the future, shows the gap slowly narrowing, but not closing over time. Significantly, this projection assumes that none of the spending cuts made in recent years are restored and that the trigger reductions included in the 2011-12 Budget become part of the “base” used to determine future years’ spending. Thus, a key consideration in evaluating potential ballot measures must be the extent to which they do, or do not, help bring the budget into balance and limit additional spending cuts.

The three major proposals filed to date include:

  • The Governor’s Proposal. The Governor’s proposal would impose three new tax rates on very-high-income Californians – married taxpayers earning $500,000 or above – and increase the state’s sales tax rate by 0.5 percentage points on a temporary basis. The higher income tax rates would apply to 2012 through 2016; the sales tax would be increased from January 1, 2013 through December 31, 2016. This proposal would raise an estimated $7 billion per year, approximately $4.4 billion from the tax rates on high-income individuals and $2.6 billion from the higher sales tax rate. The additional revenues would be earmarked for education, but would also count toward the Proposition 98 guarantee, thus “freeing up” General Fund resources to help close the budget gap. The Governor’s measure also places the framework for the recent “realignment” of criminal justice and social services programs in the state’s Constitution and clarifies that the revenues supporting realignment do not count toward the Proposition 98 guarantee.

The bottom line? More than half of the revenues raised by the Governor’s proposal would come from the top 1 percent of state income taxpayers, while all Californians, including businesses, would pay the higher sales tax rate. Reports suggest that the minimum school funding guarantee would increase by approximately $2 billion and approximately $5 billion of the new revenues would be available to help close the budget gap.

The big question: How should the budget gap be closed once the temporary tax rates expire?

  • The Millionaires Tax. The so-called “millionaires tax,” sponsored by the California Federation of Teachers (CFT), would permanently add two new rates to the state’s personal income tax: an additional 3 percent on income in excess of $1 million but not over $2 million and an additional 5 percent on incomes of more than $2 million (the 1 percent mental health tax rate would still apply in addition to the two new rates). Revenues raised by the new tax rates would be allocated to K-12 education (36 percent), community colleges (8 percent), the University of California (8 percent), and the California State University (8 percent), with the remainder allocated to counties for children’s and senior services (25 percent), public safety (10 percent), and roads and bridges (4.9 percent). The new tax rates would raise an estimated $5 billion to $6 billion.

Funds allocated to K-12 education and community colleges would be in addition to the amount guaranteed under Proposition 98, and the measure does not address the shift of revenues from the state to counties under the “realignment” included as part of this year’s budget. Thus, it appears that the state would still be obligated to increase school funding as required by language included in the budget agreement. The CFT measure would not directly help close the budget gap, leaving the state facing a $12 billion to $13 billion shortfall over the next 18 months. However, the Legislature could potentially reduce funding to the UC and CSU or suspend the Proposition 98 guarantee to achieve savings. Due to “mandate” provisions in the state’s Constitution, it is unclear whether the state could reduce funding or shift additional responsibilities to counties for public safety or children’s and senior services in an amount commensurate with their new revenues. Significantly, none of the moneys for children’s and senior services would go to support services wholly or primarily funded by the state or where state laws establish the framework for programs and services, such as SSI/SSP; CalWORKs grant levels and time limits; Medi-Cal benefits and co-payments; and Healthy Families.

The big question: Since little or none of the new revenues would go to reducing the budget deficit, how should that gap be closed?

  • The “Munger Proposal.” Advancement Project co-director Molly Munger has filed a measure that would add a new personal tax rate on the incomes of nearly all California taxpayers. The new rates would be progressive, that is, a higher rate would apply to the incomes of higher-income individuals. The new tax rates would range from a low of a 0.4 percent rate on taxable incomes of married Californians between $14,642 and $34,692 to a high of $68,169 plus 2.2 percent of taxable income above $3,402,944. The new tax rates would raise approximately $10 billion. Eighty-five percent of the new revenues would be allocated to K-12 education, and 15 percent would be earmarked for early care and education. The new revenues would be in addition to amounts guaranteed under Proposition 98. The measure also includes detailed language governing how the new moneys would be allocated among programs and school districts. Since the new revenues would go to schools in addition to, and not as part of, the Proposition 98 guarantee, the measure would not help close the state’s budget gap. The new tax rates would be adjusted each year for inflation and remain in effect from 2013 through 2024. Similar to the CFT measure, the Munger proposal does not address the shift of revenues from the state to counties under the “realignment” included as part of this year’s budget. Thus, it appears that the state would still be obligated to increase school funding from General Fund revenues as required by language included in the budget agreement.

The big question: Since none of the new revenues would go to reducing the budget deficit, how should that gap be closed?

Future blog posts and CBP analyses will examine other pending measures and take a closer look at the three measures described above once additional information is available. Importantly, the revenue estimates noted above are preliminary and often based on press reports. State law requires the Attorney General’s office to prepare a “title and summary” and the Department of Finance and Legislative Analyst’s Office to prepare an estimate of a measure’s cost or revenue impact during the same period. Once these are completed within the specified time period, proponents can begin to gather the signatures needed to place a measure on the ballot.

The CBP is more convinced than ever that a balanced approach is the only responsible approach to addressing the state’s substantial fiscal challenges. It now appears that the voters will have the opportunity to express their will at the ballot box next November. The only question is which, and how many, measures will they have to choose from.

– Jean Ross


Far Too Soon To Pull the Plug on Emergency UI

December 16, 2011

Today’s employment report shows that California’s job market is slowly on the mend, but jobs remain scarce and forecasters anticipate that subpar job growth will keep the state’s unemployment rate at recession-like levels well into the second half of the decade. California gained a modest 6,600 jobs in November, and the state’s unemployment rate dropped by 0.4 percentage points to 11.3 percent – the third monthly decline in a row. Yet more than 2 million Californians remain out of work, including approximately 700,000 who report having searched for employment for at least a year. The odds of finding work are stacked against these long-term unemployed. Currently, US businesses only have enough job openings to employ one-quarter of the nation’s unemployed.

What’s worse is that many of the unemployed could be facing even longer periods without work. The Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO) recently projected that job growth could be so weak over the next few years that the state’s unemployment rate could remain above 10 percent through 2014. That means that even three years from now, California’s jobless rate could be higher than it was during any past recession in recent history, including during the deep downturns of the early 1980s and early 1990s. The LAO also projects that by 2017, the state’s unemployment rate may only fall to 8.5 percent – well above what’s considered typical of a healthy job market.

With millions still out of work and robust job growth possibly many years off, now is not the time for Congress to slash federally funded Unemployment Insurance (UI) benefits for the long-term unemployed. Yet the House of Representatives passed a bill this week that would substantially reduce the number of weeks that UI benefits are available to workers who exhaust their regular state benefits, as well as make permanent changes to UI that would make it more difficult for workers who lose their jobs through no fault of their own to qualify for benefits. The US Department of Labor estimates that if the House bill is enacted, 3.3 million of the nation’s unemployed – including 584,000 Californians – would lose access to UI benefits in 2012. If Congress takes no action at all and allows emergency UI programs to expire at the end of the year, a total of 5.0 million Americans, including 715,000 Californians, would lose their benefits.

Prematurely cutting off emergency UI benefits makes little sense. Congress has never before pulled the plug on emergency UI when the nation’s unemployment rate is as high as it currently is. Doing so now would not only increase hardship for many families, but also pull substantial purchasing power out of the economy, costing additional jobs and setting the recovery back even further.

– Alissa Anderson


Making Sense of School Spending Data

November 21, 2011

A recent CBP School Finance Facts found that a decade of disinvestment has left California spending for public schools at or near the bottom when compared to other states. However, a recent Sacramento Bee column claimed that we selectively used data to demonstrate that California schools are “being woefully underfinanced.” As an organization with a deep commitment to accuracy, credibility, and fact-based analysis, we want to explain to our readers why the data we analyze is the best available.

The CBP uses National Education Association (NEA) data to compare California spending per pupil to that in other states because the NEA’s figures are the most current national spending data available and offer what we believe is an up-to-date reflection of California’s education spending. For example, our recent report uses NEA data that reflects 2010-11 school spending. By contrast, the data most recently released from the National Center for Education Statistics and the US Census reflect 2008-09 school spending. Thus, the Census data referenced in the Sacramento Bee column do not reflect changes in school spending since 2008-09. Moreover, despite controversies remarked upon in a previous CBP blog post, the CBP has consistently used NEA data to report California’s per pupil spending, even when it showed a more positive rank for California than did other sources.

The CBP and other organizations use spending data, rather than revenue data, to compare California’s per pupil support for schools to that in other states. This is because revenue data include dollars that are not directly related to the annual cost of educating students, such as capital outlay (i.e., school construction dollars). The Sacramento Bee column claimed that the Census data “pegs California’s per-pupil number at $11,588,” but this figure actually reflects 2008-09 school revenue per pupil. In fact, according to Census data, California spending per pupil in 2008-09 was $9,657, just $185 more than NEA’s per pupil spending figure of $9,472 for that year.

The gap between resources available to California schools and those in the rest of the nation has widened substantially regardless of the data analyzed. According to the Census data referenced in the Sacramento Bee column, the gap between California spending per student and per student spending in the nation grew more than threefold (267.5 percent) between 2001-02 and 2008-09, after adjusting for inflation. The real question we should be focused on is not what data sources to use, but whether the resources available to California schools are adequate to ensure students the opportunities that a quality education affords.

– Jonathan Kaplan


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